Analyze the data in paragraphs Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Analyze the data in paragraphs - Essay Example When asked whether ELI classrooms temperature is usually suitable, 4 out of 30(13%) of the students agreed that the temperature is ok, 22 out of 30(74%) disagreed and thought that the temperature is not suitable and 4 out of 30(13%) were neutral. The fourth question was about whether ELI classrooms are provided with comfortable chairs and tables.9 out of 30(30%) of students interviewed answered in the affirmative, 14 out of 30(47%) of the students did not think that the tables and chairs are comfortable and 7 out of 30(23%) were undecided and hence neutral. The last question was about whether ELI classrooms are near to each other and usually taken in same building.8 out of 30(27%) replied in the affirmative,16 out of 30(53%) disagreed and 6 out of 30(20%) were neutral. The survey clearly indicates that ELI classrooms temperature is not suitable to most students and also the classrooms should be provided with comfortable chairs and tables. Majority of the students (53%) also do not think that ELI classrooms are near to each other and usually taken in same building. This should also be evaluated and implemented by concerned party, since it touches on the well being of the students directly, which is very crucial for their learning process. The ELI classrooms are however designed to be comfortable and practical for most students and are well equipped with technical tools which help in learning

Peter Eisenman Essay Example for Free

Peter Eisenman Essay Introduction * Peter Eisenman was born in 1932 in Newark, New Jersey. He studied architecture from 1951 to 1955 at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, and later at Columbia University in New York City, and concluded his academic training in 1963 with a doctoral thesis on design theory. * He worked together with Charles Gwathmay, John Hejduk, Michael Graves and Richard Meier in the architects’ group  »The New York Five. At this time, Eisenman developed his principles for design theory in a number of key publications. * At the beginning of the 1980s, Eisenman established his own architectural practice in New York, and since that time has created a number of important and diverse structures. * A recurrent topic is his thesis about an architecture of memory, from which he derives the postulate of a place-oriented or  »textual « architecture, which affords the observer a unique experience, difficult to express adequately, of space and time. MEMORIAL OF MURDERED JEWS, BERLIN INTRODUCTION * The Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe, also known as the Holocaust Memorial, is a memorial in Berlin to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust. * The Berlin Holocaust memorial was the outcome of a process which extended over a period of 17 years, moving from a grass-roots initiative to a government resolution and eventually a multi-stage competition. * Peter Eisenman won the competition and construction of project started in April 2003. It was inaugurated on May 10’ 2005, sixty years after the end of World War II. CONCEPT * Generally, while experiencing a building a person walks through the building perceiving columns on the left and moving around and again there are columns on the right, so there can be a sort of conclusion about the building being symmetric, axial etc. So understanding of a buildings comes from being presence in the experience.But in the holocaust memorial, experiencing the building does not give you understanding of the monument. In this project, when we move, we do not learn anything, there is no specific path to follow, any point within the memorial is no different than any other point.The underlying idea behind the memorial was to reduce the meaning of experience because this relates to what happened in camps. The memorial intends to show the absence of meaning in the executions carried out in camps.The memorial is an analogy to experience of the camps but also an analogy to the idea of breaking down the relationship between experience and understanding. * Often referred to as a â€Å"field of stelae,† the memorial consists of 2711 concrete stelae (95 cm x 2.37 m), with heights varying from less than a meter to 4 meters. * The stelae are separated by a space equal to the width of an individual stele, or enough room for a single individual to pass through. * The memorial is traditional in the sense of using material such as concrete, which is a common means for the construction of memorials, but it is innovative in its form and design. * There is a quality of indeterminacy to the entire field, despite what appears to be a regularly spaced grid. Regularity is only perceived when standing on top of one of the lower pillars at the perimeter or in an aerial photograph. * Upon approaching the site, one might assume that the stelae are evenly spaced but the undulating ground surface defeats the sense of a grid, as does the actual experience of walking through the relatively confined spaces and the existence of varying views framed and obstructed by the stelae. * Eisenman relates this monument to a living memory rather than a sentimental memory as the holocaust cannot be remembered in the first, nostalgic mode, as its horror forever ruptured the link between nostalgia and memory. Remembering the Holocaust can, therefore, only be a living condition in which the past remains active in the present. * The space of the memorial is not overwhelming in scale, the instability of the ground and unpredictability of the heights of the stelae interact to frustrate understanding of the space. * One is further confused or disoriented by the narrow alleys which are not truly perceived as straight lines, due to the varying heights of the concrete slabs and the uneven ground plane. * Perhaps even more disorienting is the fact that there are no written cues or symbols of any sort. Immediately discounting the notion that one should â€Å"read† the pillars as tombstones is the absence of any language and any apparent â€Å"right† or â€Å"wrong† direction or ending point. INFORMATION CENTER * The Information Centre beneath the Field of Stelae documents the persecution and destruction of the Jews of Europe and the historical sites of the crimes. * The focus of the exhibition lies on the personalisation of the victims and on the geographical dimension of the Holocaust. * A major section of the information centre that supplements the memorial is dedicated to informing the visitor about authentic sites – even about the ones that do not exist any more for reasons of concealment during the Third Reich. * The information centre stresses the importance of authentic sites and encourages the visitation thereof. AUTHENTICITY AND PURPOSE OF MEMORIAL * During the painful debates about erecting such a memorial, a major aspect of criticism was the danger of authentic sites of the holocaust losing their importance. Thus, it is vital to distinguish the different roles of authentic sites from the artificially created monument. * The more specified function was read in the resolution by the German bundestag (a legislative body) of June 1999. â€Å"With the memorial we intend to honour the murdered victims, keep alive the memory of these inconceivable events in German history ,admonish all future generations never again to violate human rights, to defend the democratic constitutional state at all times, to secure equality before the law for all people and to resist all forms of dictatorship and regimes based on violence.† * Peter Eisenman,the architect of the memorial says about its intention that â€Å"The enormity and scale of the horror of the Holocaust is such that any attempt to represent it by traditional means is inevitably inadequate Our memorial attempts to present a new idea of memory as distinct from nostalgia We can only know the past today through a manifestation in the present.† * The design is to turn the visit of the memorial into an individual experience that causes the visitor to reflect about the genocide. * Each individual entering the field of stelae will find him- or herself wandering alone, because the paths in between the concrete slabs are not wide enough for two people to walk next to each other. Thus, the visitation turns into an individual experience. * Lea Rosh, the initiator of the memorial stated that this meant to raise the murdered above their murderers and to raise the victims above the perpetrators. CONCLUSION * Looking at the historical significance of the claimed area, the memorial gains a layer of authenticity, but what is almost of more importance is the setting of the memorial in the government quarter and in the heart of the capital. * Time will show if the memorial will live up to the definition of authenticity in the sense of heritage conservation where it is understood â€Å"as the ability of a property to convey its cultural significance over time†. * For one thing is sure, that the memorial’s cultural significance is complex for being a monument to honour the Jewish victims of the holocaust and at the same time a testimony of Germany’s accounting with the past. WEXNER CENTER OF ARTS, OHIO INTRODUCTION * The firm of Peter Eisenman and Richard Trott won the design competition for Wexner Center of Arts. * Eisenman wowed the Jury with his bold ideas for the art center, which were aimed at linking the past to the present (â€Å"Timeless Earth 1), through the use of unconventional means. * The end result became both Peter Eisenman’s first large public commission and one of the first large scale constructions of Deconstructivist Architecture. * The building is tucked in between the Mershon Auditorium and Weigel Hall both of which are home to programs that were to be consolidated into the Wexner Center. DESIGN PROCESS * The literal use of the rotated grid is used by Eisenman as an extensive method of giving the architecture its own voice. * The identification of the dialectic grids stems from conditions that exist at the boundary of the site, Eisenman then grafts one grid on top of the other and seeks potential connections or ‘event sites’ at the urban, local, and interior scales. * Scalar operations are performed as a means of mediating the scale of the urban grid towards a pedestrian or human scale, lastly, the results of these operations serves as a map that is used to locate program, pathways, structure, interior forms, excavations, and views along the newly afforded possibilities of ‘event sites’ in both the horizontal and vertical planes. * The results of these operations are visible in almost every aspect of the construction, from the module in the curtainwall, the tiling of the pavers, planters and trees on site. * To add to the depth of possibilities afforded by this excavation of the immediate condition of the grid Eisenman grafts figured scaffolding onto the site and integrates this figure into the primary circuit or pathway of the building. * The scaffolding is scaled to represent the module of the grid that is interpretable at a human scale. * The scaffold is reduced to its raw type, to the essential condition that signifies the essence of its existence that being an impermanent accessory to architecture that allows its construction, but does not necessarily shelter. * This architecture of non-shelter is aligned directly adjacent to an interior pathway within the building that does enclose and protect. * Eisenman coupled his grid abstractions with a series of figures that would play a key role in his aim of linking the past with the present. * The most prominent of these figures exists as a reconstruction of a part of the armoury that occupied the site from 1898 until it was terminally damaged by fire on May 17th 1958. * The figure of the armoury Eisenman has presented along the south pedestrian access (the most visually accessible elevation of the building) has been reduced to a series of fragments of armoury-like forms that indicate the ‘essence’ of the armoury without reproducing any of the original intricate detail. * Within the armoury forms the negative space carved out of the solid brick masses that make up these figures is cast with a dark tinted curtain wall, within which is an aluminum mullion pattern evocative of the use of grid. * The contrast created by the anodized aluminum of the mullions intensifies the impenetrable depth of the glass. * The lack of historical fidelity in the reconstruction of the armoury, the fragmentation of the form, and the insertion of dark glass into the voids left between these fragments seems to speak of the disjointed manner in which we reflect the past, and in turn, it serves to remind us of a past we have lost and can never return to. * In revisiting the design devices that Eisenman used in the design of the Wexner Center for the Arts is has been possible to determine that much of the abstraction of form derives itself from co-related processes. * Initiated by a series of processes which appropriate and manipulate ‘rotate’ the coordinates of the urban and pedestrian, horizontal and vertical, and the past and the present Eisenman produces three very distinctive extensive and intensive operations of shifting, figuring, fragmenting that coalesce into an engaging ecology for the celebration of creative thought. HOUSE VI * In the earlier stage of his career he designed a series of houses, named as house I to house X. His House II, VI and X are most famous projects of his initial ones. * Eisenman, one of the New York Five, designed the house for Mr. and Mrs. Richard Frank between 1972-1975 who found great admiration for the architect’s work despite previously being known as a â€Å"paper architect† and theorist. * By giving Eisenman a chance to put his theories to practice, one of the most famous, and difficult, houses emerged in the United States. * Situated on a flat site in Cornwall, House VI stands its own ground as a sculpture in its surroundings. * The design emerged from a conceptual process that began with a grid. Eisenman manipulated the grid in a way so that the house was divided into four sections and when completed the building itself could be a â€Å"record of the design process.† * Therefore structural elements, were revealed so that the construction process was evident, but not always understood. * Thus, the house became a study between the actual structure and architectural theory. The house was effeciently constructed using a simple post and beam system. * However some columns or beams play no structural role and are incorporated to enhance the conceptual design. For example one column in the kitchen hovers over the kitchen table, not even touching the ground! In other spaces, beams meet but do not intersect, creating a cluster of supports. * The structure was incorporated into Eisenman’s grid to convey the module that created the interior spaces with a series of planes that slipped through each other. * Purposely ignoring the idea of form following function, Eisenman created spaces that were quirky and well-lit, but rather unconventional to live with. * He made it difficult for the users so that they would have to grow accustom to the architecture and constantly be aware of it. For instance, in the bedroom there is a glass slot in the center of the wall continuing through the floor that divides the room in half, forcing there to be separate beds on either side of the room. * Another curious aspect is an upside down staircase, the element which portrays the axis of the house and is painted red to draw attention. * There are also many other difficult aspects that disrupt conventional living, such as the column hanging over the dinner table that separates diners and the single bathroom that is only accessible through a bedroom. * Eisenman was able to constantly remind the users of the architecture around them and how it affects their lives. * He succeeded in building a structure that functioned both as a house and a work of art, but changing the priority of both so that function followed the art. * He built a home where man was forced to live in a work of art, a sculpture, and according to the clients who enjoyed inhabiting Eisenman’s artwork and poetry, the house was very successful. MICHAEL GRAVES * Michael Graves arrived in Princeton in 1962, when university offered him first ‘real’ job. * He had worked briefly for architect George Nelson in New York before spending two years at American Academy in Rome, a sojourn which was to have the most profound influence on his mature architecture. * Michael Graves and his two firms have received over 200 awards for design excellence in architecture, planning, interior design, product design and graphic design. Graves is the recipient of the 2001 Gold Medal of the American Institute of Architects. * Michael Graves is considered as one of the five architects, known as ‘New York Five’, which includes (Eisenman, Graves, Meier, Hejduk and Charles Gwathmey.) GRAVES WAREHOUSE RESIDENCE * Michael Graves house in the university town of Princeton, New Jersey, is a highly personal work by an architect best known for large-scale projects. * The residence is being renovated from a ruined warehouse. So Graves often address his house as ‘warehouse’. * Modest in scale and virtually invisible from the public street, the ‘Warehouse’ is nonetheless a symbol of Graves’ passionate belief in an architecture which is both natural and humane. Its quiet grandeur reflects his final rejection of the machine aesthetic of the Modern Movement. * The house is a personal statement and a private retreat, where Graves keep the furniture, pictures, books, sculptures and other objects accumulated during a lifetime of collecting. * Graves like John Soane, sees his house as a place to display his collections, which will one day be available to the interested public. John Soane’s museum house has always been an inspiration for Graves. * The warehouse is an L-shaped building, consisting of a northern wing and an eastern wing. * The original north wing, hidden from the street, had large doors where trucks regularly disgorged loads of household accessories. * The later wing, at right angle, was much narrower. It was here that Graves first made his home. He installed a kitchen and bathroom and lived like a student at first. * In mid eighties with his practice booming, he tackled the northern wing, bringing in other members of his office to assist and began work on the garden. This second phase of work took four years and was followed by a year of work in the kitchen wing. * The formal inauguration of house take place in 1992, when a conference of US Governors took place in Princeton and Graves held a garden party for the Governors’ spouses. EXTERIOR * The exterior has a quiet monumentality, which derives from the vernacular barns and farmhouses of the Italian countryside. * Graves have rejected ‘canonic’ classicism in favour of a freer and more ‘natural’ approach to design and stresses that the house is intended as a practical place to live rather than a monument, despite his long term plans to preserve it and possibly house an archive of his work there. * The elevation of the house cannot be read in terms of conventional classical design. Informal and vernacular in inspiration, they equally have an almost Cubist abstraction which suggests connection with Graves’ earlier houses. * The chimney stack in particular, is a boldly expressed sculptural design. * The unity of house and garden is key theme. Graves seeks an idealized landscape, recalling those he loves to paint in Italy, and planting is subordinated to an overall architectural intent. The warm and slightly irregular texture of the stucco, contributes greatly to the overall effect of the exterior. * Highly sculptural in treatment and rigorous in its exclusion of ornament, the Warehouse looks beyond replication and more genuine ‘traditionalism’. * The entrance court at the house is a dynamic and yet comfortable space, open to the sky and preparing guests for the relatively low and intense entrance hall. * The dining room looks into this space, which has an agreeable ‘inside/out’ quality. INTERIOR LIBRARY * The Library is placed such that it behaves as connecting area between Living room and East garden. * The library has a sense of verticality and highly architectural in treatment, like a street of colonnaded buildings. * Skylight enlightens the volume of the library from the top. WORKSPACE * The house is close to Graves’ office, but he occasionally works in here and keeps a small functional study room on the first floor. * He often expresses himself in the delicate, enigmatic water colours he paints, on his tours. * Study room is lit by the square window on the front wall. LIVING ROOM * Graves’ living room is equally made for comfort rather than mere show. The relatively low floor to ceiling heights in the building – dictated by the original structure – have been cleverly utilized to produce interiors of some intensity. * Alcoves to the living room are distinctly Soanean in form, but reflects the dimension of original store rooms used by Princeton students to store everything from books to grand pianos. * A terra-cotta-colored wall sets off furnishings that range from antiques to chairs designed by Michael Graves. DINING ROOM * The dining room is lit by tall metal framed windows which look onto the courtyard which seems to form a natural extension to the space. * The chimney-piece has an austerity which is more Modernist than Classical. * Many of the accessories in this room were sold as Grand Tour souvenirs a century ago. Michael designed the glass-and-metal centerpiece vessel for Steuben (Manufacturer of handmade art glass and crystal). CONCLUSION * The Warehouse is a highly personal building, which expresses not just Michael Graves, master builder, but equally Graves the sceptic and questioner of orthodoxies, whether modern or ‘traditional’. The house is clearly both modern and traditional. * If its plan is essentially Classical and its use of light and shade specifically Soanean, the easy flow of the spaces and the essential informality of the building provide a reminder of its architect’s roots in the Modern movement * The Warehouse is indeed, a clear statement of a lively traditionalism which remains a powerful strand in contemporary American design. * Its quiet beauty is the work of a man who has played a key role in reshaping the face of architecture in the late twentieth century. DENVER CENTRAL LIBRARY * Michael Graves was commissioned in 1990 to renovate and design an extension to the Denver Central Library. * Sitting adjacent to Denver Art Museum, the Denver Central Library stands as the 8th largest library in the United States. * The 405,000 s.f. addition to the existing library allows for the original building designed by Burnham Hoyt in 1956 to maintain its own identity. * So much so that Graves’ addition and the original library are two parts in a larger composition that are connected by a three story atrium. * The expansive atrium serves as a new main entrance that becomes the main focal point for visitor orientation and circulation to either wing of the library. * For a post-modern building, the interior of the library is fairly conservative when it comes to the decorative aesthetics. * Most of the spaces appear as traditional library spaces composed of natural wood evoking a sense of grandeur and extravagance. * Only in the reading rooms is there any trace of the post-modern aesthetic. * One begins to understand the abstracted colonnades, vaulting, and colorful painting creating more of a fun learning environment rather than a stark, serious library space. * In addition to the extensive literary collections, the library functions as a community gathering space consisting of multipurpose rooms, meeting facilities, shops, a cafà ©, and a special â€Å"museum-like† collection on the American West. * The Denver Central Library sits affixed in Downtown Denver as not only an academic institution, but as part of a larger cultural epicenter. MARITIME EXPERIENTIAL MUSEUM * The Maritime Xperiential Museum is an iconic structure that draws its inspiration from sea-going vessels and thus embodies the stories contained in the exhibits and programs presented inside. * Throughout the day, the shadows and dappled light cast by the ribbed frame will enliven the interior exhibits. * The interactive exhibits and the circular 300-seat Typhoon Theater, provide a wide variety of experiences for visitors. * The exhibit focuses on the maritime Silk Route, which historically stretched from Southeast Asia to Oman. Geographically, Singapore is an important part of this history. * The Museum is set back from the water’s edge by an esplanade with a covered pedestrian loggia that allows visitors to enjoy the view of the mainland across the bay. * At night, when viewed from the water, the glass facade of the Museum will reveal the brightly-lit interior, becoming a beacon on the water and a landmark on the horizon. * West of the Museum, a small marina will display examples of sailing vessels, a tourist attraction in its own right, which lends an air of authenticity to the museum complex. * The Museum and Marina are thematically linked to the adjacent outdoor Marine Life Park and form a rich tourist experience focused on the sea, marine life and maritime experiences. * Along the waterfront at the base of Universal Plaza is the Showplace Theater, with large stone steps creating a seating area for 2,000 people. * With views across the bay to the main island, this is the location of the Crane Dance, a nightly sound and light show in the water that epitomizes the fun and drama of Resorts World.

Miltons Mosaic Law and Law of Grace Comparison :: Milton Religion Religious Law Moses Essays

Milton's Mosaic Law and Law of Grace Comparison Certainly anyone who has been involved with Sunday school at church, has taken a religion class, or has any knowledge of the Christian religion has heard of Moses, the man who carried a big stick, parted the Red Sea and led the Israelites out of slavery into the â€Å"Promised Land.† However, there is more to Moses’ story than a forty-year excursion through the desert. Besides his role in freeing his people, Moses also served as a vessel for the Word of God. The events that this man was so instrumental in have been referenced throughout history, and the Law of Moses provides the basis of John Milton’s discussion of divorce in his 1644 treatise Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce. In his exposition, Milton compares the approaches on divorce put forth by the Mosaic Law and that proclaimed by the Law of Grace, and uses them to support his own beliefs on the issue. As Milton argues his case for divorce, it becomes clear that he manipulates Scripture to support his points. To understand how Milton’s use of Mosaic Law, it is crucial to understand what it is. After Moses led the Hebrews through the desert, he was enlisted by God to act as a mediator between the Him and His people. Moses received the Ten Commandments at Mount Sinai and received from God â€Å"multifarious enactments, by the observance of which Israel [was] to be moulded into a theocratic nation,† thus the installment of Mosaic Legislation on the Israelites. (Moses) Starting with the Ten Commandments, the Law of Moses is â€Å"the laws that God gave to the Israelites through Moses; it includes many rules of religious observances given in the first five books of the Old Testament.† (Mosaic Law) Among the guidelines set forth by God through Moses were guidelines regarding diet (Leviticus 11:3), the consecration of priests (Exodus 29:5-9) and marriage (Exodus 22:16). While the Hebrews were expected to abide by the laws laid out in the Old Testament by Moses, the coming and crucifixion of Jesus negated many of these laws, as the Law of Grace took precedence over everything prior. In his Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, Milton uses scripture from both the Old and New Testaments and argues that the Law of Moses was more lenient than that of Grace, and therefore makes more sense.

Dog Day Afternoon :: movie film

In the movie, Dog Day Afternoon, there were many things that the police and the FBI did wrong. It seemed as if there was no manual to guide the police officers and the FBI through the hostage situation. Sonny and Sal never really thought about what they would do if they were to get caught. One of the first mistakes that officer Moretti made was when he called the bank to let Sonny know he was in there. I think that there never would have been a hostage situation if officer Moretti would have let Sonny and Sal think they were going to get away and grab them when they came out the bank. I never knew if someone in the bank hit an alarm or if the insurance man let the police know the bank was getting robbed. From the beginning, it seemed as if there was no clear picture of who was in charge. The police should have closed off the block farther away from the bank than they did. There was not any crowd control. When Moretti tried to talk to Sonny on the bullhorn, he really could not talk because the crowd was making a lot of noise. If Sonny and Sal had come out of the bank shooting, many people would have been hurt. I thought that when someone was robbing a bank, the FBI was the ones who were supposed to be in charge. Moretti never let the FBI agent lead the hostage negotiations until late in the movie. When the FBI arrived, they should have taken over the hostage situation as soon as possible. Another thing that I noticed about the movie was that the police officers were running around everywhere. Without any command, they were trying to get through the back door and it caused Sonny to fire a shot. Whenever Sonny walked out of the bank they were pointing their guns at him while Moretti was telling them to get back and put the guns down. There were never any hostage negotiators at the scene. Moretti did all of the negotiations. The FBI agent did not really negotiate anything. The FBI agent and Moretti did the number one thing that should not be done during a hostage negotiation; they both met with sonny face to face on numerous occasions to try to negotiate with him. You are never supposed to meet with someone when you are negotiating face to face.

Africa – 5

â€Å"Before the twentieth century, it would have been incorrect to speak of the Igbo as a single people† (XIX, Achebe). Although all these people lived in Igboland, there were hundreds of different variations of Igbo, resulting in cultural differences and differences in language so great, that one Igbo group could be misunderstood by another only thirty miles away (XIX). Colonialism, a disease that spread through Africa causing destruction, disarray, and fear, was also directly responsible for the overall unity of the Igbo people observed throughout the twentieth century.Although colonialism broke up the unity of villages and forced different political, social, and economic lifestyles on the groups of Igbo people, colonialism also had a direct impact in forming national unity; in forming â€Å"a common Igbo identity† (XIX). Although colonialism diminished the values each Igbo group held dear to them throughout the generations, this was necessary in the development of t he identity of Igbo people as a whole as they were becoming part of a new, industrialized world.Things Fall Apart, by Chinua Achebe, showed both how destructive colonialism was and how detrimental it was to the close-knit Igbo villages. Destruction of entire clans by massacre was not out of line for white men during the beginning of colonialism, as this was the punishment of the Abame clan for killing the first white man they saw. The Umuofia and Mbanta clans knew better than to kill any white men before discovering their purposes, and reluctantly allowed the white, Christian missionaries to enter their villages.Okonkwo, a strong, important man from Umofia, was serving his seven-year exile in his motherland Mbanta when these missionaries became more profuse and active. He despised the white men and their new religion, and wanted action to be taken against them. At first, the churches were only able to attract people without a title, however, as time progressed, outcasts were attract ed and women who despised their village laws, such as throwing their â€Å"abominable† twins away, also joined (101). Christianity appealed to the people who had nothing if they followed their village’s culture and beliefs.It eliminated the emotional burdens women had to face if they had twins, allowing the twins to live freely, rather than to be disposed of in a forest of death. During his exile, Okonkwo’s own son, in spite of his father, joined the missionaries in his hatred of village law, especially the fact that innocent children could be killed so easily, such as the boy Ikemafuma, taken prisoner by Umuofia and eventually killed. When Okonkwo returned to an unrecognizable Umuofia, his hatred of the white men increased. Real trouble began after a man from the Christian church unmasked one of the sacred egwugwu, an ancient god.This led to the council of chiefs from Umuofia to take action and burn the church down, leading to their imprisonment by the white Di strict Commissioner, leader of the white law. The ex-leaders of the village were shackled at the leisure of white men. No longer did these esteemed Umuofia chiefs hold the power; they were not the â€Å"men† of the village anymore. The white men were more powerful than them, subjugating them to their religion and law. Politically, white men now ruled Umuofia, with punishment settled by the white men in command, rather than a council of chiefs.After the release of the chiefs, an assembly of men met in the village to decide what they would do in response to these latest happenings. A group of white messengers arrived at the meeting and informed everyone that the District Commissioner said the assembly was to end. Okonkwo, in his anger, killed one of the messengers, and when no one else reacted, letting the others escape, he realized there was nothing he could do. White men were breaking up his community, and no one was man enough to take action and fight.Inside â€Å"he mourne d for the warlike men of Umuofia, who had so unaccountably become soft like women† and he realized his community was lost to colonialism (129). Okonkwo knew that all of his hard work for power had been for nothing. He lived in a town filled with people readily allowing their selves to be taken over by foreign men implementing their own beliefs, religion, and power, and as a result he ended his own life. In the early phases of colonialism, it is easy to see how destructive its effects were on the idea of community; the churches separated people from each other, while the colonial law stripped the village of its power.Buchi Emecheta’s, The Joys of Motherhood, not only shows how Igbo communities are broken up, like Things Fall Apart, but it also shows how Igbo groups are brought together. In the time of Nnu Ego, wealth was not determined by the amount of wives a man had or how big his farm was, as it was in pre-colonial times. Instead, wealth was measured with money, money earned from hard labor, usually serving the white men and women or working for the government. People of Igbo groups, like Nnaife, Nnu’s husband, moved from farming lands to cities to attempt to live â€Å"better† lives. Moving to these cities, many different groups of Igbo people were iving together and had to learn to get along, because as Igbo people realized, although they may speak a little different, it was extremely difficult to live in a new place without being able to relate with anyone. In Lagos, the British colony where Nnaife and Nnu lived, Yoruba people and Igbo people did not get along well, practicing very different beliefs and ideas. With tension from other cultures, there was no need for any tension among the subgroups of Igbos, which is why regardless if they came from west or east Igboland, they would be understanding of each other.Being friendly with people of other Igbo groups provided a sense of family in a place where family did not exist. The I gbo people met in the cities, regardless of the clan they were from, became the â€Å"brothers† and â€Å"sisters† of the newcomers, who left their real family in their homeland, far away. Igbo groups living in cities merged together, not seeing each other as different groups, which was common in their own lands, but recognizing each other as Igbo; another who understands the same language and beliefs.Although moving to cities assimilated to Western culture was beneficial to Igbo people as a whole, the idea of family was greatly diminished, especially in the eyes of women. At a young age, Nnu Ego felt being a mother was an extremely important part of her life. She felt it was her purpose to have many kids, because they would eventually take care of her and bring her happiness. However, she discovered how hard being a mother actually was in a society dominated by Western beliefs and culture.In a farming society, such as Ibuza, having more kids meant having more help aro und the farm and the house. In an industrial society, like that of Lagos, the more kids meant more mouths to feed, more clothes to buy, and more money spent on education. Not only did the Nnaife have to work, but Nnu also had to devote all of her energy to earning money, specifically to make sure her kids received an education to be successful. As a result, children growing up in these societies lost their sense of responsibility for their family, an important part of Igbo beliefs.With all the hard work and suffering Nnu put forth for her children, just to have food in the house, her two oldest sons she sent to college didn’t even show their thanks and send anything back to her (224). Her idea of a family and happiness coming from her children was only a dream, and Nnu died a lonely death on the side of a road. Socially, western culture viewed it to be more beneficial to achieve self-success than care for family, which eventually drove Nnu’s family apart, and led to Nn u’s death. Colonialism affected every Igbo person, whether they liked it or not. It gave women different outlooks on life, on being a mother.It stripped men of their power and manlihood. It brought a different religion, with a single god and different morals. It brought a new type of wealth, and education. Colonialism changed the ways of the Igbo forever. The groups were not all separate anymore, if you were Igbo, you were Igbo. That was all that mattered in a society run by Europeans, filled with people of many cultures for different reasons. Colonialism took away unity, but it created a new kind of unity. Colonialism not only introduced it’s economics, politics, and lifestyle; it also gave Igbo a reason to come together, which is important in an ever-changing society.For a culture that took generations to build, it is surprising that within a matter of a century, the distinguished characteristics of each Igbo clan were diminished, as each clan assimilated into the We stern way of living (XLVIII, Achebe). However, in the larger scheme of things, maybe the Igbo knew they were placed in a war they could never win, unless they gave in to their opponent; unless they gave in to change. Works Cited Achebe, Chinua. Things Fall Apart. South Africa: Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann Educational, 1996. Print. Emecheta, Buchi. The Joys of Motherhood. New York, New York: George Braziller, Inc. , 1979. Print.

Kate Chopins The Awakening Essays - Freudian Psychology

Kate Chopin's The Awakening Essays - Freudian Psychology Kate Chopin's The Awakening Kate Chopin's Awakening, depicts the life of a woman, Edna, in the early 1900's who revolts against the social status quo and leads the life of an independent female regardless of all the risks. It is a story that unfolds the two parts of her life, only to see them both fall apart. Thus we see the unreasonable conflict between her exterior world, the role of a wife and a mother that society has imposed on her and her interior reality of emotions and sexuality which initially are asleep and awaken through the course of the novel. For the arousal of each aspect, two men are responsible, Robert and Arobin, which correspond to the two sides of her existence. The complexity of Edna's character, the richness of the novels details, stimulate the reader to probe deeply into the characterizations and meaning of her life. Edna has lost touch with the chain of humanity and the society in which she lives, as a result, she cannot make a true commitment to life. Based on this fact, the novel's dev elopment shows a repeated movement down to the depths of Edna's unconscious and back to her conscious world. Edna's emotional awakening was stimulated by Robert whose presence built up her confidence allowing her to break out of her private inner world reinforcing a totally different angle of viewing her life. Intense emotions were foreign to Edna so she had always kept her distance from them. When she surrenders she becomes a victim of these emotions Edna bit her handkerchief convulsively, striving to hold back and to hide, even from herself as she would have hidden from another, the emotion which is troubling - tearing - her. Her eyes were brimming with tears (p.689). Before Robert came along, feelings of anguish, troubled dreams, intense heart beats, the delight of feeling male arms folding around her body or simply missing someone just as one misses the sun on a cloudy day.(p.693), were strange and distant from her reality. As Freud would explain in his psychoanalytic theory, we are conscious only of one tenth of our desires and motives. Robert brought the emotional aspects of her inner troubled world to the surface, stimulating her desire for love, intimacy and the ecstasy of Romance. But this emotional awakening was double-edged. On the one hand it delighted her and opened new depths in her and on the other hand, it became her consolation in the sense that she couldn't live the life she dreamt of. Edna's mondus vivendi was suffocating. She was trapped in a world that didn't satisfy her in any way. There was a great hasma between what she really wanted out of life and what was expected from her by society. Edna's sexual instincts or life instincts according to Freud, were awakened by Arobin. He aroused her sexual drives, fulfilled her need for a male figure to substitute for the absent Robert. Arobin is the sensation of passion, the one who stimulates, arouses and pleases her bodily need to be touched and admired, She had become supple to his gentle, seductive entreaties (p.709). The perfect match for Edna would be love and passion at the same time but she compromises and experiences feelings of regrets for nourishing only her body with Arobin, She felt somewhat like a woman who in a moment of passion is betrayed into an act of infidelity, and realizes the significance of the act without being wholly awakened from its glamour (p.713). Arobin's character corresponded to the unconscious of Edna's physicality taking advantage of her vulnerable state, Alcee Arobin's manner was so genuine that it often deceived even himself (p.713). Edna was a confused woman, Arobin was a master in handling woman and took advantage of her. In the concluding part of the story, certain moral and human ideas begin to emerge with greater clarity. Edna realizes the horrifying meaning of her life in the sight of the sea, which offers her the freedom, for which she rebelled for. We are now more aware of the desperate complications of her mind, Despondency had come upon her there in the wakeful night, and had never lifted. There was no one thing in the

All Pronoun Cases Are Created Equal

All Pronoun Cases Are Created Equal All Pronoun Cases Are Created Equal All Pronoun Cases Are Created Equal By Maeve Maddox Some writers and speakers seem to believe that I is somehow more high class than me. Snooty characters on soap operas are especially fond of this construction. The fact is, I and me are class neutral. They simply have different jobs to do. Pronouns have two grammatical cases that still matter in English: subject and object (aka nominative and accusative). The subject forms of the personal pronouns are: I, you he, she, it, we, you, and they. (Theres another use, but thats for another post.) Here are subject pronouns used as subjects of verbs: I live in Arkansas. He lives in Brazil. She flies a Cessna. It is sleeping in its basket. We play hockey. You are the winner. They hate snow. The object forms of the personal pronouns are: me, him, her, it, us, you, and them. These forms are used as the objects of transitive verbs and as the objects of prepositions. Here are examples of object pronouns used as the objects of transitive verbs: No one told me. The ball hit him. Do you believe her? Put it on the table. Visit us soon. I see you. We see them. Here are examples of object pronouns used as the objects of prepositions: Give it to me. Whos that behind him? Go sit beside her. The book is under it. Do come with us. The Force is within you. We like everyone except them. I used to think that people avoided using me because theyd been corrected so often as children for saying things like Me and him went to the movies. Now Im not so sure. Ive recently heard talk show guests say things like Me and my friends gave a benefit and in the next breath say something like They invited Sally and I. Related to pronoun usage is the order in which pronouns are placed in a phrase. Traditionally, when mentioning oneself and others, the rule has been to place I or me in the final position: My friends and I gave a benefit performance. Save a seat for Jerry, Sally, and me. More and more I notice people placing themselves first. Perhaps this tendency accounts for Me being used as a subject. After all, ours is a me first culture. Once I corrected an eighth-grader on this point. He looked at me in utter astonishment and asked Why would I want to put myself last? Whatever order you put your pronouns in, remember to use the correct case. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Grammar category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:20 Great Similes from Literature to Inspire You50 Idioms About Arms, Hands, and FingersOne "L" or Two?

The Corwin Amendment, Slavery, and Abraham Lincoln

The Corwin Amendment, Slavery, and Abraham Lincoln The Corwin Amendment, also called the â€Å"Slavery Amendment,† was a constitutional amendment passed by Congress in 1861 but never ratified by the states that would have banned the federal government from abolishing slavery in the states where it existed at the time. Considering it a last-ditch effort to prevent the looming Civil War, supporters of the Corwin Amendment hoped it would prevent the southern states that had not already done so from seceding from the Union. Ironically, Abraham Lincoln did not oppose the measure. The Text of the Corwin Amendment The operative section of the Corwin Amendment states: â€Å"No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State.† In referring to slavery as â€Å"domestic institutions† and â€Å"persons held to labor or service,† rather than by the specific word â€Å"slavery,† the amendment reflects wording in the draft of the Constitution considered by delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which referred to slaves as â€Å"Person held to Service. Legislative History of the Corwin Amendment When Republican Abraham Lincoln, who had opposed the expansion of slavery during the campaign, was elected president in 1860, the slaveholding southern states started withdrawing from the Union. During the 16 weeks between Lincoln’s election on November 6, 1860, and his inauguration on March 4, 1861, seven states, led by South Carolina, seceded and formed the independent Confederate States of America. While still in office until Lincoln’s inauguration, Democratic President James Buchanan declared secession to be a constitutional crisis and asked Congress to come up with a way to reassure the southern states that the incoming Republican administration under Lincoln would not outlaw slavery. Specifically, Buchanan asked Congress for an â€Å"explanatory amendment† to the Constitution that would clearly confirm the right of the states to allow slavery. A three-member committee of the House of Representatives headed by Rep. Thomas Corwin of Ohio got to work on the task. After considering and rejecting 57 draft resolutions introduced by a host of Representatives, the House approved Corwins version of the slavery-protecting amendment on February 28, 1861, by a vote of 133 to 65. The Senate passed the resolution on March 2, 1861, by a vote of 24 to 12. Since proposed constitutional amendments require a two-thirds supermajority vote for passage, 132 votes were required in the House and 24 votes in the Senate. Having already announced their intent to secede from the Union, representatives of the seven slave states refused to vote on the resolution. Presidential Reaction to the Corwin Amendment Out-going President James Buchanan took the unprecedented and unnecessary step of signing the Corwin Amendment resolution. While the president has no formal role in the constitutional amendment process, and his or her signature is not required on joint resolutions as it is on most bills passed by Congress, Buchanan felt his action would show his support for the amendment and help convince the southern states to ratify it. While philosophically opposed to slavery itself, President-elect Abraham Lincoln, still hoping to avert war, did not object to the Corwin Amendment. Stopping short of actually endorsing it, Lincoln, in his first inaugural address on March 4, 1861, said of the amendment: â€Å"I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution- which amendment, however, I have not seen- has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service ... holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.† Just weeks before the outbreak of the Civil War, Lincoln transmitted the proposed amendment to the governors of each state along with a letter noting that former-President Buchanan had signed it. Why Lincoln Did Not Oppose the Corwin Amendment As a member of the Whig Party, Rep. Corwin had crafted his amendment to reflect his party’s opinion that the Constitution did not grant the U.S. Congress the power to interfere with slavery in the states where it already existed. Known at the time as the â€Å"Federal Consensus,† this opinion was shared by both proslavery radicals and anti-slavery abolitionists. Like most Republicans, Abraham Lincoln (a former Whig himself) agreed that in most circumstances, the federal government lacked the power to abolish slavery in a state. In fact, Lincoln’s 1860 Republican Party platform had endorsed this doctrine.   In a famous 1862 letter to Horace Greeley, Lincoln explained the reasons for his action and his long-held feelings on slavery and equality. â€Å"My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.â€Å"I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free.† Corwin Amendment Ratification Process The Corwin Amendment resolution called for the amendment to be submitted to the state legislatures and to be made a part of the Constitution â€Å"when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures.† In addition, the resolution placed no time limit on the ratification process. As a result, the state legislatures could still vote on its ratification today. In fact, as recently as 1963, over a century after it was submitted to the states, the legislature of Texas considered, but never voted on a resolution to ratify the Corwin Amendment. The Texas legislature’s action was considered a statement in support of states’ rights, rather than slavery. As it stands today, only three states (Kentucky, Rhode Island, and Illinois) have ratified the Corwin Amendment. While the states of Ohio and Maryland initially ratified it in 1861 and 1862 respectively, they subsequently rescinded their actions in 1864 and 2014. Interestingly, had it been ratified before the end of the Civil War and Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, the Corwin Amendment protecting slavery would have become the 13th Amendment, instead of the existing 13th Amendment that abolished it.   Why the Corwin Amendment Failed In the tragic end, the Corwin Amendment’s promise to protect slavery neither persuaded the southern states to remain in the Union or to prevent the Civil War. The reason for the amendment’s failure can be attributed to the simple fact that the South did not trust the North. Lacking the constitutional power to abolish  slavery in the South, northern antislavery politicians had for years employed other means to weaken slavery, including banning slavery in the Western territories, refusing to admit new slave-holding states to the Union, banning slavery in Washington, D.C., and, similarly to today’s sanctuary city laws, protecting fugitive slaves from extradition back to the South. For this reason, southerners had come to place little value in the federal government’s vows not to abolish slavery in their states and so considered the Corwin Amendment to be little more than another promise waiting to be broken.  Ã‚   Key Takeaways The Corwin Amendment was a proposed amendment to the Constitution passed by Congress and sent to the states for ratification in 1861.Had it been ratified, the Corwin Amendment would have prohibited the federal government from abolishing slavery in the states where it existed at the time.The amendment was conceived by outgoing President James Buchannan as a way to prevent war.While not technically endorsing the Corwin Amendment, President Abraham Lincoln did not oppose it.Only the states of Kentucky, Rhode Island, and Illinois have ratified the Corwin Amendment.The Corwin Amendment’s promise to protect slavery failed to keep the southern states from seceding from the Union or to prevent the Civil War. Sources Text of Lincoln’s first inaugural address, Bartleby.comCollected Works of Abraham Lincoln, edited by Roy P. Basler et al.Constitutional Amendments Not Ratified. United States House of Representatives.Samuel Eliot Morison (1965). The Oxford History of the American People. Oxford University Press.Walter, Michael (2003). Ghost Amendment: The Thirteenth Amendment That Never WasJos. R. Long, Tinkering with the Constitution, Yale Law Journal, vol. 24, no. 7, May 1915

School Nursing and Asthma Program by S2M Assignment

School Nursing and Asthma Program by S2M - Assignment Example S2M indicates that dissemination of information in the meeting will be done with discussion and showing of PowerPoint slides (Melynck & Fineout-Overholt, 2011). S2M also has carefully planned further dissemination to nursing conferences, city meetings, and through a newspaper article in the city. S2M also points out that disseminating the plan requires engaging the attendees by using the Kotter and Cohen Model for change, by reaching out to people’s emotions, rather than through a list of boring facts. The importance of the subject is in the fact that asthma is a leading cause of morbidity, and this should make people stand up and take notice. Most likely, finding stories that pull at heartstrings, regarding students with asthma, who have passed away because of lack of care by those around the children, will get people’s attention. It will, indeed, require commitment on the part of all adults concerned, both at school and from the parents (CPS, 2011). Therefore, S2M is correct that this is a very important issue to be addressed in the schools, and also requires planning, not only for health and medical instruction of school sta ff but of laying in of suitable medical products. Conducting an initial pilot plan will be a good idea, using several schools with a nurse and fully stocked medical center, to take care of issues as they arise. The nurse and the principal can also help with recording the events, what problems they encountered, and make suggestions for adjustments at the end of the pilot program run. Charts and spreadsheets will help in information gathering, plus a database of the medical inventory, in place before the pilot program starts, will give a pretty good idea of how much it costs to outfit the medical center, and what final costs are in implementation (Melnyk & Fineout-Overholt, 2011).S2M might consider that school nurses should be required to show evidence at the beginning of every school year, that they have obtained ongoing education, particularly in the issues of child asthma in school. While one can assume that nurses will continue with their education, the lives of school children are in their hands and, therefore, appropriate eviden ce will not only protect the children if they need help but also protects the school system as well (NASN, 2014). S2M has made an excellent case for the asthma project and developed a very good dissemination plan for its delivery. Â  

Aztec Civilization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Aztec Civilization - Essay Example It was the result of historical, geographic and other reasons – they made Aztec and some other civilizations achieve rather highly developed society: â€Å"In such environments arose two of the advanced societies of ancient America: the Aztec and Inca civilizations† (Keen, 1955, p.1). This article will give a short description of the Aztecs, their economy, way of life, and it will prove the thesis about the great importance of Aztec civilization for the development of the world history. 2. Hooker wrote that â€Å"The term, Aztec, is a startlingly imprecise term to describe the culture that dominated the Valley of Mexico in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries† (Hooker, 1996). They were native Americans and dominated the vast territory in northern Mexico by the time of the Spanish invasion under Hernan Cortes which took place in the beginning of the 16th century. The true origin of the Aztecs is still uncertain, but it is concerned that they lived on the territory of to the north of the Valley of Mexico, or in the Southwestern United States. They created vast empire and dominated a lot of peoples on its territory: â€Å"Fearless warriors and pragmatic builders, the Aztecs created an empire during the 15th century that was surpassed in size in the Americas only by that of the Incas in Peru† (The Aztecs/Mexicans). So, by the time of the Spanish conquest the Aztecs had high developed economy and traditional way of life which became the result of their pr ogressive development. 3. The capital of the Aztecs, Tenochtitlan, was the greatest city in Mexico, but there were also other cities in the empire. The Aztecs had rather strong class structure which determined their way of life. The highest social class was nobility, or the pilli. Originally the class system was not hereditary, but later, by the time of the Spanish, it took on hereditary aspects. The lowest social class of the Aztecs was slaves, but slaves had opportunities to become free by

Conservatism in American Politics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Conservatism in American Politics - Essay Example For instance, Farmer (2005) clarifies that after the struggle witnessed in the American Civil War where the North fought for the Union to stand while the South were in favor of intensifying slavery, the term conservative signified antagonism against the radical republicans with an intention of giving the freed slaves full citizenship rights (Glenn and Teles, 2009). On the other hand, within the Reconstruction Era, this term signified antagonism against Radical Republicans with an intention of giving the freed slaves political authority after snatching it from ex-confederates. For a long time now, the political history of America has been shaped considerably by conservatism. There are a number of constants that together, sum up the conservatism in American politics including the backing of the republicanism, Christianity and the rule of law, respect for customs, and the defense of westernization against challenges brought in by totalitarian governments and modernist culture (Durham, 2012). The conservative nature of American politics can be traced back to American history and this is very evident while comparing with other nations such as Britain. For instance, the American government is more incredulous of the state’s power stating that it should be left in the hands of an individual who then delivers it upward to the â€Å"government that is at the lowest level possible†. On the other hand, Britons are of the idea that authority starts above and trickles down through the positions. Additionally, Americans consider that the government is responsible for giving them the required freedom to pursue their objectives (Brinkley, 1994). Conservatives have for a long time supported Republicans because they believe they share similar views such as tough foreign policy, a powerful military and backing for Israel. It is important to emphasize that conservatism in American politics is characterized by conflicting ideologies and

Organization Development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Organization Development - Essay Example It is understated but valuable. It explains that organizational change involves unfreezing, then transformation and, finally, refreezing. The first step is the point at which an organization realizes its need for change. In the second step, the transformation occurs. After the changes in the organizational development have actually occurred, then the last step is where the changes are incorporated into the organization’s routine. Another theory is called the action-research model. In this model, the organizational development comes through identifying the problem. This involves developing a hypothesis and then data are analyzed. This theorem looks like it is recurrent in nature. It is cyclical. This means it can happen repeatedly during the process of change of the organization (van Aken & Berends, 2007). Another theory about organizational development is called the general system theory. It explains and emphasizes the importance of the organization’s external environment. It seems to suggest that an organization takes something from its environment, transforms it, and then gives it back to the environment when it has been changed. It describes the symbiotic relationship between an organization and its environment. It then becomes clear that the atmosphere of an organization is dynamic. This applies to both internal and external environments of an organization. Ideally, there is not a single moment when an organization is not looking for a solution, as real life is highly dynamic. This also describes the market place. When an organization unfreezes, its starts looking for how it can change a prevailing condition. According to van Aken & Berends (2007), this happens in search of a solution. An organization identifies a problem which hitherto has been a solution to another previous problem. In other words, before unfreezing, the organization had the same conditions because

An essay about the book - The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao

An about the book - The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao - Essay Example His protagonist, Oscar Wao is a rejected boy moving in the society who lacks the physical appearance as well as the exposure to do and say the right things at the right time. It is a true portrayal of what goes on in life every day, but Diaz has managed to add the spark of fiction as well as humor to make this book even more interesting to read. Junot address’s the problem of existing in this world, harsh? Yes, True? Extremely! This book highlights the problem of men being suffocated in the fantasy of fiction and women are expected to do more than they can. It’s a tale of how Oscar’s life is affected by his dysfunctional family and how much his inner dreams are crushed regularly. Oscar Wao is the worst possible nightmare of any person who has gone through groveling social experiences in high school, college or even work. Oscar Wao is an extremely oversized boy who is known for his dorky outlook and lack of judgment with girls. He is from a typical Dominican family with a frustrated mother who works hard all day long and treats her kids with anything but love. Now, Oscar is a pity young character who has no father to support and guidance to lead him into the â€Å"manly† zone of life. In Chapter one Oscar’s sister comes to his support when Beli, his mother is hurling at him for crying because of girl trouble: â€Å"It wasn’t just that he didn’t have no kind of father to show him the masculine ropes, he simply lacked all aggressive and martial tendencies.† (Page 8) His problem was not the fact that he had no male guidance in his life; his uncle La Inca lived with them but was a drug addict. Naturally, Oscar was just not the m an of aggression and violence. This initial part of the story clearly paves the path of what is to come in the book. How the lack of macho-ism caused problems for the protagonist. What can be worse than the fact that you are beaten up by

Organization Development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Organization Development - Essay Example It is understated but valuable. It explains that organizational change involves unfreezing, then transformation and, finally, refreezing. The first step is the point at which an organization realizes its need for change. In the second step, the transformation occurs. After the changes in the organizational development have actually occurred, then the last step is where the changes are incorporated into the organization’s routine. Another theory is called the action-research model. In this model, the organizational development comes through identifying the problem. This involves developing a hypothesis and then data are analyzed. This theorem looks like it is recurrent in nature. It is cyclical. This means it can happen repeatedly during the process of change of the organization (van Aken & Berends, 2007). Another theory about organizational development is called the general system theory. It explains and emphasizes the importance of the organization’s external environment. It seems to suggest that an organization takes something from its environment, transforms it, and then gives it back to the environment when it has been changed. It describes the symbiotic relationship between an organization and its environment. It then becomes clear that the atmosphere of an organization is dynamic. This applies to both internal and external environments of an organization. Ideally, there is not a single moment when an organization is not looking for a solution, as real life is highly dynamic. This also describes the market place. When an organization unfreezes, its starts looking for how it can change a prevailing condition. According to van Aken & Berends (2007), this happens in search of a solution. An organization identifies a problem which hitherto has been a solution to another previous problem. In other words, before unfreezing, the organization had the same conditions because

Leadership and Motivation job requirements Assignment

Leadership and Motivation job requirements - Assignment Example Qualifications:1. Being the head of the internal auditing office for the last two years.2. Bachelor of Commerce.3. Certification as a lead auditor in the quality management system ISO 9001:2008 from the Canadian standard association.4. Member of the international register of certificated auditors (UK).5. Special training as a certified international auditor.6. Functioning as an accounts manager for more than 12 years; attained an experience in accounting, systems analysis, and management with the ability to make relationships between different K.I.Z.A. departments. This aids in initiating and executing the auditing plan with efficiency.Vision:1. Develop new methodologies to improve the auditing process, making it easier for the organization.2. Well certified and highly trained employees that have a certification in accounting or auditing.3. The office in the future will be :i. Advisory for director general, a board of trustees, and other divisions. ii. Training section. iii. Revenue center.4. Full Automation of the auditing operation.5. Fully automated communication with other departments.6. Direct accesses to all committees related to K.I.Z.A. procedures.7. Evaluate the efficiency and effectiveness of systems of accounts and internal control operating within the Institute to make sure of objectives are effectively and efficiently achieved. 8. Place evaluation systems in place to ensure compliance with Institute policies, plans, and procedures as stipulated in laws and procedures issued by concerned government financial control.

Write Like a Modernist Essay Example for Free

Write Like a Modernist Essay Over the course of the next several days, you will complete a writing assignment. In the assignment, you will demonstrate your understanding of the tenets of modernist literature by rewriting a Romantic poem in a way that incorporates typically modernist qualities in terms of language, style, literary elements, and themes. The assignment is broken down into four parts. Part 1: Choose a Romantic Poem Romantic literature champions the beauty of the world and the inherent goodness of human beings, and Romantic verse is highly structured and deeply traditional. Modernism frequently defines itself as a reaction against and a rejection of romanticism. Modernist poets viewed Romantic poetry as a remnant of the nineteenth century. Modernists did not think that writing as the Romantics did in the 1800s could effectively capture their twentieth-century world or their experiences in that world. Begin this assignment by choosing a Romantic poem from the nineteenth century that you intend to rewrite in a way that incorporates typically modernist qualities. You can find numerous examples of nineteenth-century Romantic poetry on pages 83–112 of your Journeys anthology. For example, William Wordsworth’s â€Å"I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud,† which appears on pages 90–91 of your anthology, is a well-known Romantic poem. Note: You may not use this poem in your answer. Part 2: Briefly Explain the Romantic Poem You Chose In a single paragraph, describe the Romantic poem that you selected. Focus on the language, style, literary elements, and themes of the work. This step of the process is important because these are the aspects of the work that your modernist rewrite of it will change. Here, as an example, is a brief explanation of Wordsworth’s â€Å"I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud†: Most of Wordsworth’s poem describes how a â€Å"crowd† of daffodils near a lake looked as they fluttered in the breeze. This poem uses formal language, has a fixed rhyme scheme, and employs an even meter. The speaker is very closely linked to the poet, and neither the voice nor the perspective in the piece ever shifts. The work contains a number of similes—one compares the speaker to a lonely cloud, another compares the daffodils to stars—and the flowers are personified to make the descriptions of them more vivid. Thematically speaking, the poem is about how, even long after having seen the flowers, the speaker feels comforted and happy whenever he thinks of their beauty. Part 3: Do a Modernist Rewrite of the Romantic Poem You Chose Begin your rewrite. To do so, imagine yourself as a poet in the early twentieth century, and imagine your rewrite as an attempt to update the outdated elements of the nineteenth-century work you selected. Remember that modernist poems †¢ Capture the cynicism and disappointment many people felt toward outdated nineteenth-century ideas †¢ Focus on the complexities of modern life †¢ Highlight the alienation of the individual in the modern world †¢ Break with past literary traditions and styles †¢ Employ references to diverse cultures, belief systems, and histories †¢ Use experimental language and techniques, such as drawing a distinct line between the poet and the speaker and writing from multiple perspectives and in different voices Your rewrite must incorporate at least three of the six listed characteristics of modernism. Here is an example of a modernist rewrite of the first stanza of Wordsworth’s â€Å"I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud†: Part 4: Briefly Explain Your Modernist Rewrite In a response of at least two paragraphs, provide an explanation of the steps you took to rewrite the Romantic poem you selected. Your explanation should point out at least three typically modernist qualities in your work with regard to elements such as language, style, literary elements, and themes. Here, as an example, is a brief explanation of the modernist rewrite of the first stanza of Wordsworth’s â€Å"I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud†: In the first stanza of my rewrite, I tried to drastically change the mood of the poem. I did so by first changing the opening simile, linking the speaker (who is most certainly distinct from myself as the poet) to a World War I flying ace looking down on an empty town devastated by war. This image not only calls to mind the destruction that people in the early twentieth century witnessed, but also the loneliness felt by the individual when witnessing such devastation. I introduced ambiguity by not identifying the nationality of the pilot to whom the speaker compares himself: He may be a man seeing the destruction of his own town, or he may be one of the men who brought destruction on the town during battle. Then I decided to change the daffodils—a symbol of the beauty of the natural world in Wordsworth’s poem—to a crumbling building on an abandoned and ugly street. I thought these images helped convey a sense of loss. I used the word crumblecracking—an invented term—to call to mind how the broken bricks of the building look. This type of experimentation with language is typical of modernist poetry. Finally, I used the word forsaken not only because it suggests abandonment, but also because it calls to mind the last words of Jesus on the cross. This allusion then quickly blends into the reference to a mythological figure, Tefnut, the Egyptian goddess of rain and fertility. This allusion hints at the possibility of remaking a new world out of the fragments of the old, yet the â€Å"sagging† hospital attests to how hard such a restoration would be. Thematically, I was trying to depict the loneliness and the alienation of the speaker in this decrepi t world.

Linguistic Politeness Study

Linguistic Politeness Study Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Over the last three decades, politeness has become one of the central discussions in pragmatic and sociolinguistic researches. A large number of theoretical, empirical books and articles about linguistic politeness that have been published, shows that politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. Although the interest of politeness in both social and linguistic phenomenon significantly increased, many recent studies choose to drawn on conversational data, it was surprised that is only small numbers of scholars focused to study politeness in written text such as scientific written text rather than on conversational data recently. Even though the main stream of linguistic politeness is generally associated with social behaviour as strategic conflict avoidance, and the major concept of politeness theory is an arrangement of politeness strategies along a continuum from least polite to most polite, also allows them to engage in conflict-free communication, and it usually found in the study of conversational using speaker-hearer model of interactions. Many scholars do not realize that this politeness model also can be extended to other medium not only through verbal communication but also in a written material in terms of the interactions of the or authors and audiences in scientific texts. Furthermore, the advances of politeness models to some genres of scientific written texts is somehow interesting and in the other hand complex field to study. Greg Myers[1] (1989) in his study found that the model proposed by Brown and Levinson was very useful to explain how he interpret some construction of the norm of scientific culture found in writing, particularly academic writing. Brown and Levinson (1978/1987) present their study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; the striking parallels in politeness devices between three unrelated languages shows that while the expressions of politeness may vary enormously from one culture to another, and the basic hierarchy of politeness strategies is not a culture specific. Brown and Levinsons (1987: 58) constructed a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects. The model person also has a rational faculty for choosing the course of action that will give the highest pay-off with the least loss of face, evaluating three variables; the social distances (D); the relative difference in power between the speaker and hearer (P); the rank of imposition (R). These three basic variables seem still affective to help understanding the interactions of politeness between writers and readers in written text. Brown and Levinsons (BL) theory has been extensively used and also criticised. Although most of the scholars that studied politeness are agree that specific factors like power, social distance or status, influence the adoption of strategies, it is still difficult to provide definite conclusions. Moreover, by using Myers â€Å"room of thinking† above that linked to what Brown and Levinson had proposed in their study, this research tries to focus on the politeness strategies employed by the economists authors in academic journals, by concerning that at this time academic journals had reached a fabulous numbers both digital and printing material and also become a major references by scholars all over the world. On the other hand, the scholars that deeply focused to study the academic journals in the pragmatics or discourse analysis area says; politeness its still rare. By viewing that chances the researcher hopes that this study is able to contribute to the existing pool of knowledge on politeness strategies used in academic writing, particularly which in the writing of economic journal articles of two identified economic journals. 1.1 Statements of the Problem Started in the early 1950s, Schuler studied about the politeness in Germany and Goffman studied on â€Å"face work† in 1955. Nowadays, the study about politeness has become one of the major areas of pragmatics or sociolinguistics. Classical theories of linguistic politeness clarifies such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983) agree that linguistic politeness can be used as a strategic conflict avoidance. Linguistic politeness not only was applied by many people via verbal communication but also through the medium of written material both in academic or non academic fields, politeness persuasion in journal writing as a genre in academic writing somehow in line with the demands of the academic community that expects scientific language to be objective and formal. Further, the use of politeness persuasion or strategies in journal issues by particular people from different culture background, age and economic basic education is interesting field to discuss. Based on that statement above the main purposes of this study beyond the limits of this paper, to give an exhaustive overview of politeness-related research are to identify sort of politeness strategies employed by economist authors and analyze the politeness kinds of strategies in economic journal articles both local and international economic journal. 1.2 Objective of the Study In recent years there has been a steady increase in interest and research into economics discourse by both economists and linguists which has spawned an expanding body of work. The nature of this work in part reflects not only the varied academic backgrounds of the writers, but also the evolutionary development of linguistics in general and its sub-discipline of discourse analysis in particular. This body of work is not only in hope succeeding clarify many of the ways that economists use language to express themselves in polite way, but also can be use to help the public to understand the politeness style of writing from the economist in the scientific text. Furthermore based on the explanation above, this present study tried focused in identify politeness strategies employed by authors of economic journal communities both local and international economic journals, by proposing the objectives below; 1. To investigate how economists use language to present findings in polite way 2. To investigates the use of politeness strategies in economics text 3. To compare the use of politeness strategies in a local and international economic journals 1.3 Research Question Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. Through this exploratory study, the researcher will focus on the existence of linguistic politeness in economic articles. For this purpose the researcher study the selected local and international economic journals. The researcher focused on specific areas in these journals that the researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. Based on the explanation above, the present study aims to answer the following question: 1. What kinds of politeness strategies are employed by authors in local and international economic journal articles? 2. In what ways are local and international journals similar or different in the use of politeness strategies? 1.4 Significance of the study Politeness has become one of the fields of research to which more attention has been devoted in the last two decades. The connections of politeness studies with other domains, such as sociolinguistics, socio pragmatics, ethnography of communication, second language teaching/acquisition or conversational analysis, have definitely contributed to this growing interest and its exploratory study, the researcher choose to focus on the existence of politeness strategies n economic journals. Since the early 1980s, the discussion of various controversial issues in the economics discourse community has led to increasing debate among concerned economists about the ways that they communicate with each other, as well as with non-economists. Royce (1995) in his paper[2] mentions that; Although economics is considered to be a science and its language is often close to scientific language, within evidence the texts are often complemented by graphs. The influence of literary discourse is predominant. In 1986, Donald McCloskey published The Rhetoric of Economics and republished in 1998. McCloskey considers economic discourse as a language comprised of tropes; a word or phrase used in a sense not proper to it, tales and other rhetorical devices that are literary and rhetorical or persuasive rather than scientific or natural†. The specific aim of this research also to show that was an increasing awareness of the nature of economics discourse by both applied linguists and economists, For the purposes above, the research studies one locally and one international economic journal, published by economic associations from Malaysia and USA. This research try not to deeply focus on particular specific area what economist and linguist arguing about, but more on general issues of economic that become content respectively in these journals, that researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. 1.5 Scope and Limitation of The Study This present study will limit its data from selected journals released by economic associations from local and international to find out politeness strategies employed by the economists in two identified Economic journals, namely, Malaysia Journal of Economic Studies and the Journal of Economic Growth released by Malaysian Economic association and American economic association respectively. The corpus from those journal were chosen from the five year latest issues, start from 2004 until 2008 whereas this present study start it work. Here the study also limits its scope only on the content of the articles. The areas of Mathematical language, formula as well as footnote in the articles will be not included to analyze in this present study. 1.5 Theoretical Framework The present section presents the theoretical framework of the present study. Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. According to them, it is possible to define generic types of politeness strategies to explain and predict the adoption of politeness in oral or written discourse. Since the present study tries to focuses on the analyzing a politeness in written material that is academic journal both from local or international well known economic journals. The writer tries to use a formula that construct by Greg Myers (1989) in his articles â€Å"The Pragmatic Of Politeness In Scientific Articles† in line with what Brown and Levinson (1987) proposed in their book â€Å"Politeness; Some Universal in language Usage as underlying theoretical structure. Chapter.2 Review of Related Literature 2.0. Introduction The phenomenon of interest in politeness both social and linguistic has been significance increase over the last three decades as evidenced by the numbers of paper have appeared on the subject in international journal and monographs. The present research mostly, still based on Brown and Levinsons politeness theory (1978, 1987). The recent published literature on Brown and Levinsons model concerns two main aspects, which are the concept of politeness itself and the claims for universality on the one hand, and diverse criticism or modification of one of the elements of the model on the other; mainly the concepts of face, face-threatening act, and the factors that determine the production and interpretation of politeness, in the other hand. The notions of face, face threatening act (FTA) and politeness as well as the ways in which the phenomenon of politeness is realized in language usage have been extensively exploited who are concerned with linguistic pragmatics; Leech, 19983; Kasper, 1990; Brend 1978; Brown; 1988; Schmidt, 1980; Carrel and Konnoker, 1981; Ferguson, and many other scholars have explore the notions of face. Since the main focus of this present study is trying to put economic issues written by economist in economic journals related with politeness strategies as a main topic to discuss, the researcher in this chapter, will try to discuss about the theory of politeness, and explains about the terms related to the main topic, such as the different forms of face, FT[3]A and the factors seems to be interrelated in politeness system that also useful in studying politeness strategies in written material such as academic journal. 2.1 The Theory: A Brief Overview Brown and Levinsons (1978, 1987) theory of politeness has become the â€Å"model against which most research on politeness defines itself†. Central to BLs theory is the concept of face, as proposed by Goffman (1967) who defined face as: â€Å"†¦the positive social value of a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes -albeit an image that others might share, as when a person makes a good showing for his profession or religion by making a good showing for himself .(Goffman 1967: 5) BL define (1978:66) face as something that is emotionally invested and the face can be lost, maintained or enhanced and it must be constantly attended to in interaction, BL categorize politeness as either positive politeness or negative politeness and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† Furthermore The main focus of BL (Brown and Levinson)[4] study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; They construct a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects (1987: 58). According to Brown and Levinson, â€Å"face wants† may consist of negative or positive face. When speakers appeal to positive face wants (i.e. the desire to be appreciated and approved of), they employ positive politeness language that emphasizes â€Å"in-group identity, shows concern, and seeks areas of agreement†. Compliments represent typical positive politeness strategies. When speakers appeal to negative face wants (i.e. the desire to be free from imposition and distraction), they use negative politeness strategies that seeks to reduce any imposition, such as apologies that represent the type negative politeness strategies. Further, basically in most situations, everyone seeks â€Å"to maintain each others face†. Thus, communicating effectively involves saving face-both for the speaker-identified by Brown and Levinson as (S) and for the addressee (H) or speaker and hearer. However, Brown and Levinson point out that S and H are mitigated by three other factors: power, social distance, and imposition. For example, S will speak more politely when the target (H) has more power than S, when the social distance between the two is great, and when the imposition is high. Before going further the following section tries to explain the first four politeness strategies of Brown and Levinsons with some examples, based on several studies done in the past that are related to the present study of politeness. Brown and Levinson identify five â€Å"super strategies† used to communicate. They list strategies from the most direct/impolite (bald-on-record) to the least direct/impolite (being silent). 2.1.1 Politeness Strategies According to Brown and Levinson (1978:65), certain acts can damage or threaten another persons face and these acts are referred to as face threatening acts (FTAs). An FTA[5] has the potential to damage the hearers positive or negative face or the act may damaged the spakers own positive or negative face. In order to reduce the possibility of damage to the hearers or the speakers face s/he may adopt certain strategies ; these strategies BL call politeness strategies (1978: 65). Politeness strategies can be divided into four main strategies: Bald-on-record, positive politeness, negative politeness and off-record strategies. Being polite therefore consists of attempting to save face for another, although all cultures have face as Brown and Levinson claim, all cultures do not maintain face in the same way. Brown and Levinson also claim that understanding cultural norms of politeness enables communicators to â€Å"make strong predictions† about communicating effectively within a culture, also politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearers face. Face refers to the respect that an individual has for him or herself, and maintaining that self-esteem in public or in private situations. The functions are to avoid embarrassing the other person, or making them feel uncomfortable. Politeness strategies are developed for the main purpose of dealing with FTA. Next each of the strategies of BLs theory will be presented separately first Bald on record, then positive politeness, next negative politeness and finally off record strategies 2.1.1.1 Bald on record According to Brown and Levinson(1978: 74), Bald on record strategy is a direct way of saying things, without any minimisation to the imposition, in a direct, clear, unambiguous and concise way, for example â€Å"Do.X!†. Bl claim that the prime reason for bald on record usage may be stated simply: in general, whenever the speaker wants to do FTA with maximum efficiency more than s/he wants to satisfy hearers face, even to any degree, s/he will choose the bald on record strategy. There are different kinds of bald on record usage in different circumstances, because the speaker can have different motives for her/his want to do the FTA with minimum efficiency. The motives falls into two classes where the face threat is not minimised, where face is ignored or is irrelevant and 2) where in doing the FTA baldly on record, the speaker minimises face threats by implication. BL (1978: 100) Brown and Levinson (ibid,. 1978: 100) give examples of bald on record strategy and say that direct imperatives are clear examples of bald on record usage. Imperative are often softened with hedges or conventional politeness markers, eg: â€Å"please send us the offers†. Verb â€Å"do† is used with imperatives, like in â€Å"Do call us†. What BL call bald on record strategies might involve simply following the Gricean maxims, whereas politeness strategies would involve violating the maxims in specific way (Watss, Ide and Ehlich 1992:7) 2.1.1.2 Positive politeness Unlike negative politeness, Positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face infringed by the FTA; that is whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters want in general or to the expression of similarity egos and alters want. The positive politeness is usually seen n groups of friends, or where people the given social situation know each other fairly well, it usually tries to minimize the distance between them, by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearers need to be expected (minimize FTA) According to Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) positive politeness is redress directed to the addressees positive face, his/her perennial desire to the his/her wants or actions acquisitions, values resulting from them -should be thought of as desirable. BL describe that the redress consists in partially satisfying that desire that ones own wants or some of them are in some respects similar to the addressees wants. BL also notes that unlike negative politeness, positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face want infringe by the FTA. In other words whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters wants in general or to the expression of similarity between egos and alters wants . â€Å". . .the linguistic realizations of positive politeness are in many respects simply representative of the normal linguistic behaviour between intimates, where interest and approval of each others personality, presuppositions indicating shared wants and shared knowledge, implicit claims to reciprocity of obligations or to reflexivity of wants, etc. Are routinely exchanged. Perhaps the only feature that distinguishes positive politeness redress from normal everyday intimate language behaviour is an element of exaggeration; this serves as a marker of the face-redress aspect of positive politeness expression by indicating that even S cant with total sincerity say â€Å"I want your wants† he can at least sincerely indicate â€Å"I want your positive face to be satisfied Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) BL add the element of insincerity in exaggerated expressions of approval or interest [6] As in : â€Å"how absolutely marvellous and exquisite your roses are ,Mrs.Pete† is compensate for by the implication that the speaker really sincerely wants Mrs. Petes positive face to be enhanced. This perspectives of intimacy is interesting when considering articles in economic journal between authors and audiences is not usually very intimate and if it were, intimacy would be disregard while doing a scientific claim. In this sense, it could be expected that not many strategies of positive politeness would be used or are used rarely in article economic journals BL also explain that the association with intimate language usage gives the linguistic of positive politeness its redressive force. They claim that positive politeness utterances are used as a kind of metaphorical extensions of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extension of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extent even between strangers who perceive themselves for the purposes of the interaction as somehow similar. This is true when considering economic articles, in fact some times authors and audience[7] has similar knowledge in general or purpose in common. BL also point out that the positive politeness techniques are usable not only for FTA redress but in general as a kind of accelerator, where S, in using them, indicates s/he wants â€Å"to come closer† to H or audiences. BL divide positive politeness into three strategies; claiming the common ground, conveying that sender and receiver are co-operators and fulfilling receivers want. . 2.1.1.3 Negative Politeness When Brown and Levinson define negative politeness, they say that it is a redressive action addressed to the addressees negative face: addressees want to have addressees freedom of action unhindered and addressees attention unimpeded. Furthermore According to BL (1978:134) Negative politeness is the heart of respective behaviour, just as positive politeness is the kernel of â€Å"familiar† and â€Å"joking† behaviour. Negative politeness corresponds to the rituals of avoidance. Where positive politeness is free-ranging, negative politeness is specific and focused; it performs the function of minimizing the particular imposition that the FTA unavoidable effects, BL also argue that negative politeness is the kind of politeness used between acquaintances whereas positive politeness is used between closer friends. Negative politeness is the most elaborate and the most conventionalized set of linguistic strategies for FTA redress; it fills the etiquette books although positive politeness gets some attention. Further according to BL (1987: 135) the linguistic realization of negative politeness conventional indirectness, hedges on illocutionary force, polite pessimism[8], the emphasis on hearers relative power are very familiar and need no introduction. In addition , BL say that the negative politeness outputs are all forms usefull in general for social â€Å"distancing†[9]: they are therefore likely to be used whenever a speaker or sender wants to put a social brake on the course of interaction. BL, see five main categories as the linguistic realization of negative politeness; communicating senders want not to impinge the receiver, not coercing receiver, not presuming/assuming, being (conventionally in) direct and redressing receivers wants. 2.1.1.4 Off Record Brown and Levinsons (1978:216) define off record strategy as a communicative act which is done in such a way that is not possible to attribute one clear communicative intention to the act. In this case the actor leaves her/himself an â€Å"out† by providing her/himself with a number of defensible interpretations, s/he cannot be held to have a committed himself to just one particular interpretation of her/his act. In other words, BL claim, the actor leaves it up to the addressee to decided how to interpret act. Further, BL continue that such off record utterances are essential indirect uses of language. One says something that is either more general (contains less information in the sense that it rules out fewer possible states of affairs) or actually different from what one means (intend to be understood). BL continue claim that in both cases the hearer must make some inference to recover what was in fact intended. For example, if somebody says: â€Å"it is hot in here†, the hidden meaning of the utterance can be request to open the window or to switch on the fan. BL, (1978: 230-232), list inviting conversational implicatures as one main strategy of off record-ness and its subcategories are; giving hints, giving association clues, presupposing, understating, overstating, using tautologies, using contradictions, being ironic, using metaphors, and using rhetorical question. The other main strategy of going off record is being vague or ambiguous and its subcategories are being ambiguous, being vague, over-generalising, displacing hearer and being incomplete. 2.1.2 Face Politeness theory states that some speech acts threaten others face needs. The concept of face has come to play an important role in politeness theory. Brown and Levinson, for example, have chosen it as the central notion for their study of universals in language usage and politeness phenomena (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson says that they have derived the notion of face from Ervin Goffman in social interaction. Our notion of face is derived from that of Goffman and from the English folk term, which ties up face notions of being embarrassed or humiliated, or losing face. Thus face is something that is emotionally invested, and that can be lost, maintained or enhanced, and must be constantly attended to in interaction. In general, people cooperate (and assume each others cooperation) in maintaining face in interaction, such cooperation being based on the mutual vulnerability of face (1987:63) In 1963, Erving Goffman published the article On Face Work where he first created the term â€Å"face.† He discusses face in reference to how people present themselves in social situations and that our entire reality is constructed through our social interactions. Face is a mask that changes depending on the audience and the social interaction (Goffman, 1967). Face is maintained by the audience, not by the speaker. We strive to maintain the face we have created in social situations. Face is broken down by Goffman into two different categories. Positive face is the desire of being seen as a good human being and negative face is the desire to remain autonomous. Moreover he argues that there is a limited amount of strategies to maintain face. Face in communicative events is a universal concept, but it is employed in culture specific ways. It is defined in psychological, philosophical and symbolic terms, â€Å"the term face may be defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume s/he has taken during a particular contact†. Face generally involves interlocutors mutual recognition as social members of a society. Face can be lost, maintained, or enhanced and must be constantly attended to in interaction. Brown and Levinson (1978; 1987), presented politeness as a formal theoretical construct based on earlier work on face by sociologist Goffman, (1963) as already mentioned above, BL said that we are all motivated by two desires: (positive face), and (negative face). The working definition and examples on both negative and positive face presented below. 2.1.2.1 Negative Face The negative face is the maintenance and defence of ones territory and freedom from imposition. The negative face is an inalienable. Negative face is the desire to be autonomous and not to infringe on the other person. Negative politeness is designed to protect the other person when negative face needs are threatened. Thus there are different strategies to handle face threatening acts and these strategies are put into a hierarchy of effectiveness. 2.1.2.2 Positive Face The positive face, on the other hand, is the claim for the recognition and appropriate validation of ones social self-image or personality. The positive face is the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at least some other members of the society. Also is the desire to be liked and appreciated. Positive politeness is designed to meet the face needs by performing an action like complimenting or showing concern for another person (Held 1989 and ODriscoll 1996) 2.1.2.3. FTA Holtgraves and Yang (1992) defines politeness as phrasing ones remarks so as to minimize face threat. Here, Face Threatening Act (FTA) is acts like promises, apologies, expressing thanks, ven non verbal acts such as stumbling, falling down or any utterance that intrinsically threatens anothers face (positive or negative) and includes disagreement, criticism, orders, delivery of bad news, and request. For examples; simple request threaten the targets negative face because the targets compliance with the request interferers with his/her desire to remain autonomous. Criticism threatens his/her desire for approval Furthermore, Brown and Levinson (1987) propose that when confronted with the need to perform a FTA, the individual must choose between performing the FTA in the most direct and efficient manner, or attempting to mitigate the effect of the FTA on the hearers positive/negative face. The mitigation strategies are what BL labelled as politeness strategies. 2.1.3 Politeness Systems Since Goffmans (1967) work, politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. The literature on the subject is mammoth-like, the research on politeness falls into three categories: (1) work that constructs theories of politeness, such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983), Fraser (1990), and Escandell-Vidal (1996); (2) work that investigates cultural- specific concepts and strategies of politeness, such as Hill et al. (1986), Gu (1992), Lindenfeld (1990), and Sherzer (1983); (3) work that applies existing theories to data from various cultures, such as Chen (1993, 1996), Garcia (1989), Rhodes (1989), and Holmes (1990). Although these researchers differ in important ways, they share a common focus on politeness system, that specific factors influence the adoption of strategies. Similar with Scollon and Scollon (1981) proposed the face relationships into three politeness systems namely; Difference, solidarity and hierarchical. An explanation on those politeness systems presented below. 2.1 Linguistic Politeness Study Linguistic Politeness Study Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Over the last three decades, politeness has become one of the central discussions in pragmatic and sociolinguistic researches. A large number of theoretical, empirical books and articles about linguistic politeness that have been published, shows that politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. Although the interest of politeness in both social and linguistic phenomenon significantly increased, many recent studies choose to drawn on conversational data, it was surprised that is only small numbers of scholars focused to study politeness in written text such as scientific written text rather than on conversational data recently. Even though the main stream of linguistic politeness is generally associated with social behaviour as strategic conflict avoidance, and the major concept of politeness theory is an arrangement of politeness strategies along a continuum from least polite to most polite, also allows them to engage in conflict-free communication, and it usually found in the study of conversational using speaker-hearer model of interactions. Many scholars do not realize that this politeness model also can be extended to other medium not only through verbal communication but also in a written material in terms of the interactions of the or authors and audiences in scientific texts. Furthermore, the advances of politeness models to some genres of scientific written texts is somehow interesting and in the other hand complex field to study. Greg Myers[1] (1989) in his study found that the model proposed by Brown and Levinson was very useful to explain how he interpret some construction of the norm of scientific culture found in writing, particularly academic writing. Brown and Levinson (1978/1987) present their study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; the striking parallels in politeness devices between three unrelated languages shows that while the expressions of politeness may vary enormously from one culture to another, and the basic hierarchy of politeness strategies is not a culture specific. Brown and Levinsons (1987: 58) constructed a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects. The model person also has a rational faculty for choosing the course of action that will give the highest pay-off with the least loss of face, evaluating three variables; the social distances (D); the relative difference in power between the speaker and hearer (P); the rank of imposition (R). These three basic variables seem still affective to help understanding the interactions of politeness between writers and readers in written text. Brown and Levinsons (BL) theory has been extensively used and also criticised. Although most of the scholars that studied politeness are agree that specific factors like power, social distance or status, influence the adoption of strategies, it is still difficult to provide definite conclusions. Moreover, by using Myers â€Å"room of thinking† above that linked to what Brown and Levinson had proposed in their study, this research tries to focus on the politeness strategies employed by the economists authors in academic journals, by concerning that at this time academic journals had reached a fabulous numbers both digital and printing material and also become a major references by scholars all over the world. On the other hand, the scholars that deeply focused to study the academic journals in the pragmatics or discourse analysis area says; politeness its still rare. By viewing that chances the researcher hopes that this study is able to contribute to the existing pool of knowledge on politeness strategies used in academic writing, particularly which in the writing of economic journal articles of two identified economic journals. 1.1 Statements of the Problem Started in the early 1950s, Schuler studied about the politeness in Germany and Goffman studied on â€Å"face work† in 1955. Nowadays, the study about politeness has become one of the major areas of pragmatics or sociolinguistics. Classical theories of linguistic politeness clarifies such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983) agree that linguistic politeness can be used as a strategic conflict avoidance. Linguistic politeness not only was applied by many people via verbal communication but also through the medium of written material both in academic or non academic fields, politeness persuasion in journal writing as a genre in academic writing somehow in line with the demands of the academic community that expects scientific language to be objective and formal. Further, the use of politeness persuasion or strategies in journal issues by particular people from different culture background, age and economic basic education is interesting field to discuss. Based on that statement above the main purposes of this study beyond the limits of this paper, to give an exhaustive overview of politeness-related research are to identify sort of politeness strategies employed by economist authors and analyze the politeness kinds of strategies in economic journal articles both local and international economic journal. 1.2 Objective of the Study In recent years there has been a steady increase in interest and research into economics discourse by both economists and linguists which has spawned an expanding body of work. The nature of this work in part reflects not only the varied academic backgrounds of the writers, but also the evolutionary development of linguistics in general and its sub-discipline of discourse analysis in particular. This body of work is not only in hope succeeding clarify many of the ways that economists use language to express themselves in polite way, but also can be use to help the public to understand the politeness style of writing from the economist in the scientific text. Furthermore based on the explanation above, this present study tried focused in identify politeness strategies employed by authors of economic journal communities both local and international economic journals, by proposing the objectives below; 1. To investigate how economists use language to present findings in polite way 2. To investigates the use of politeness strategies in economics text 3. To compare the use of politeness strategies in a local and international economic journals 1.3 Research Question Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. Through this exploratory study, the researcher will focus on the existence of linguistic politeness in economic articles. For this purpose the researcher study the selected local and international economic journals. The researcher focused on specific areas in these journals that the researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. Based on the explanation above, the present study aims to answer the following question: 1. What kinds of politeness strategies are employed by authors in local and international economic journal articles? 2. In what ways are local and international journals similar or different in the use of politeness strategies? 1.4 Significance of the study Politeness has become one of the fields of research to which more attention has been devoted in the last two decades. The connections of politeness studies with other domains, such as sociolinguistics, socio pragmatics, ethnography of communication, second language teaching/acquisition or conversational analysis, have definitely contributed to this growing interest and its exploratory study, the researcher choose to focus on the existence of politeness strategies n economic journals. Since the early 1980s, the discussion of various controversial issues in the economics discourse community has led to increasing debate among concerned economists about the ways that they communicate with each other, as well as with non-economists. Royce (1995) in his paper[2] mentions that; Although economics is considered to be a science and its language is often close to scientific language, within evidence the texts are often complemented by graphs. The influence of literary discourse is predominant. In 1986, Donald McCloskey published The Rhetoric of Economics and republished in 1998. McCloskey considers economic discourse as a language comprised of tropes; a word or phrase used in a sense not proper to it, tales and other rhetorical devices that are literary and rhetorical or persuasive rather than scientific or natural†. The specific aim of this research also to show that was an increasing awareness of the nature of economics discourse by both applied linguists and economists, For the purposes above, the research studies one locally and one international economic journal, published by economic associations from Malaysia and USA. This research try not to deeply focus on particular specific area what economist and linguist arguing about, but more on general issues of economic that become content respectively in these journals, that researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. 1.5 Scope and Limitation of The Study This present study will limit its data from selected journals released by economic associations from local and international to find out politeness strategies employed by the economists in two identified Economic journals, namely, Malaysia Journal of Economic Studies and the Journal of Economic Growth released by Malaysian Economic association and American economic association respectively. The corpus from those journal were chosen from the five year latest issues, start from 2004 until 2008 whereas this present study start it work. Here the study also limits its scope only on the content of the articles. The areas of Mathematical language, formula as well as footnote in the articles will be not included to analyze in this present study. 1.5 Theoretical Framework The present section presents the theoretical framework of the present study. Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. According to them, it is possible to define generic types of politeness strategies to explain and predict the adoption of politeness in oral or written discourse. Since the present study tries to focuses on the analyzing a politeness in written material that is academic journal both from local or international well known economic journals. The writer tries to use a formula that construct by Greg Myers (1989) in his articles â€Å"The Pragmatic Of Politeness In Scientific Articles† in line with what Brown and Levinson (1987) proposed in their book â€Å"Politeness; Some Universal in language Usage as underlying theoretical structure. Chapter.2 Review of Related Literature 2.0. Introduction The phenomenon of interest in politeness both social and linguistic has been significance increase over the last three decades as evidenced by the numbers of paper have appeared on the subject in international journal and monographs. The present research mostly, still based on Brown and Levinsons politeness theory (1978, 1987). The recent published literature on Brown and Levinsons model concerns two main aspects, which are the concept of politeness itself and the claims for universality on the one hand, and diverse criticism or modification of one of the elements of the model on the other; mainly the concepts of face, face-threatening act, and the factors that determine the production and interpretation of politeness, in the other hand. The notions of face, face threatening act (FTA) and politeness as well as the ways in which the phenomenon of politeness is realized in language usage have been extensively exploited who are concerned with linguistic pragmatics; Leech, 19983; Kasper, 1990; Brend 1978; Brown; 1988; Schmidt, 1980; Carrel and Konnoker, 1981; Ferguson, and many other scholars have explore the notions of face. Since the main focus of this present study is trying to put economic issues written by economist in economic journals related with politeness strategies as a main topic to discuss, the researcher in this chapter, will try to discuss about the theory of politeness, and explains about the terms related to the main topic, such as the different forms of face, FT[3]A and the factors seems to be interrelated in politeness system that also useful in studying politeness strategies in written material such as academic journal. 2.1 The Theory: A Brief Overview Brown and Levinsons (1978, 1987) theory of politeness has become the â€Å"model against which most research on politeness defines itself†. Central to BLs theory is the concept of face, as proposed by Goffman (1967) who defined face as: â€Å"†¦the positive social value of a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes -albeit an image that others might share, as when a person makes a good showing for his profession or religion by making a good showing for himself .(Goffman 1967: 5) BL define (1978:66) face as something that is emotionally invested and the face can be lost, maintained or enhanced and it must be constantly attended to in interaction, BL categorize politeness as either positive politeness or negative politeness and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† Furthermore The main focus of BL (Brown and Levinson)[4] study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; They construct a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects (1987: 58). According to Brown and Levinson, â€Å"face wants† may consist of negative or positive face. When speakers appeal to positive face wants (i.e. the desire to be appreciated and approved of), they employ positive politeness language that emphasizes â€Å"in-group identity, shows concern, and seeks areas of agreement†. Compliments represent typical positive politeness strategies. When speakers appeal to negative face wants (i.e. the desire to be free from imposition and distraction), they use negative politeness strategies that seeks to reduce any imposition, such as apologies that represent the type negative politeness strategies. Further, basically in most situations, everyone seeks â€Å"to maintain each others face†. Thus, communicating effectively involves saving face-both for the speaker-identified by Brown and Levinson as (S) and for the addressee (H) or speaker and hearer. However, Brown and Levinson point out that S and H are mitigated by three other factors: power, social distance, and imposition. For example, S will speak more politely when the target (H) has more power than S, when the social distance between the two is great, and when the imposition is high. Before going further the following section tries to explain the first four politeness strategies of Brown and Levinsons with some examples, based on several studies done in the past that are related to the present study of politeness. Brown and Levinson identify five â€Å"super strategies† used to communicate. They list strategies from the most direct/impolite (bald-on-record) to the least direct/impolite (being silent). 2.1.1 Politeness Strategies According to Brown and Levinson (1978:65), certain acts can damage or threaten another persons face and these acts are referred to as face threatening acts (FTAs). An FTA[5] has the potential to damage the hearers positive or negative face or the act may damaged the spakers own positive or negative face. In order to reduce the possibility of damage to the hearers or the speakers face s/he may adopt certain strategies ; these strategies BL call politeness strategies (1978: 65). Politeness strategies can be divided into four main strategies: Bald-on-record, positive politeness, negative politeness and off-record strategies. Being polite therefore consists of attempting to save face for another, although all cultures have face as Brown and Levinson claim, all cultures do not maintain face in the same way. Brown and Levinson also claim that understanding cultural norms of politeness enables communicators to â€Å"make strong predictions† about communicating effectively within a culture, also politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearers face. Face refers to the respect that an individual has for him or herself, and maintaining that self-esteem in public or in private situations. The functions are to avoid embarrassing the other person, or making them feel uncomfortable. Politeness strategies are developed for the main purpose of dealing with FTA. Next each of the strategies of BLs theory will be presented separately first Bald on record, then positive politeness, next negative politeness and finally off record strategies 2.1.1.1 Bald on record According to Brown and Levinson(1978: 74), Bald on record strategy is a direct way of saying things, without any minimisation to the imposition, in a direct, clear, unambiguous and concise way, for example â€Å"Do.X!†. Bl claim that the prime reason for bald on record usage may be stated simply: in general, whenever the speaker wants to do FTA with maximum efficiency more than s/he wants to satisfy hearers face, even to any degree, s/he will choose the bald on record strategy. There are different kinds of bald on record usage in different circumstances, because the speaker can have different motives for her/his want to do the FTA with minimum efficiency. The motives falls into two classes where the face threat is not minimised, where face is ignored or is irrelevant and 2) where in doing the FTA baldly on record, the speaker minimises face threats by implication. BL (1978: 100) Brown and Levinson (ibid,. 1978: 100) give examples of bald on record strategy and say that direct imperatives are clear examples of bald on record usage. Imperative are often softened with hedges or conventional politeness markers, eg: â€Å"please send us the offers†. Verb â€Å"do† is used with imperatives, like in â€Å"Do call us†. What BL call bald on record strategies might involve simply following the Gricean maxims, whereas politeness strategies would involve violating the maxims in specific way (Watss, Ide and Ehlich 1992:7) 2.1.1.2 Positive politeness Unlike negative politeness, Positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face infringed by the FTA; that is whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters want in general or to the expression of similarity egos and alters want. The positive politeness is usually seen n groups of friends, or where people the given social situation know each other fairly well, it usually tries to minimize the distance between them, by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearers need to be expected (minimize FTA) According to Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) positive politeness is redress directed to the addressees positive face, his/her perennial desire to the his/her wants or actions acquisitions, values resulting from them -should be thought of as desirable. BL describe that the redress consists in partially satisfying that desire that ones own wants or some of them are in some respects similar to the addressees wants. BL also notes that unlike negative politeness, positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face want infringe by the FTA. In other words whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters wants in general or to the expression of similarity between egos and alters wants . â€Å". . .the linguistic realizations of positive politeness are in many respects simply representative of the normal linguistic behaviour between intimates, where interest and approval of each others personality, presuppositions indicating shared wants and shared knowledge, implicit claims to reciprocity of obligations or to reflexivity of wants, etc. Are routinely exchanged. Perhaps the only feature that distinguishes positive politeness redress from normal everyday intimate language behaviour is an element of exaggeration; this serves as a marker of the face-redress aspect of positive politeness expression by indicating that even S cant with total sincerity say â€Å"I want your wants† he can at least sincerely indicate â€Å"I want your positive face to be satisfied Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) BL add the element of insincerity in exaggerated expressions of approval or interest [6] As in : â€Å"how absolutely marvellous and exquisite your roses are ,Mrs.Pete† is compensate for by the implication that the speaker really sincerely wants Mrs. Petes positive face to be enhanced. This perspectives of intimacy is interesting when considering articles in economic journal between authors and audiences is not usually very intimate and if it were, intimacy would be disregard while doing a scientific claim. In this sense, it could be expected that not many strategies of positive politeness would be used or are used rarely in article economic journals BL also explain that the association with intimate language usage gives the linguistic of positive politeness its redressive force. They claim that positive politeness utterances are used as a kind of metaphorical extensions of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extension of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extent even between strangers who perceive themselves for the purposes of the interaction as somehow similar. This is true when considering economic articles, in fact some times authors and audience[7] has similar knowledge in general or purpose in common. BL also point out that the positive politeness techniques are usable not only for FTA redress but in general as a kind of accelerator, where S, in using them, indicates s/he wants â€Å"to come closer† to H or audiences. BL divide positive politeness into three strategies; claiming the common ground, conveying that sender and receiver are co-operators and fulfilling receivers want. . 2.1.1.3 Negative Politeness When Brown and Levinson define negative politeness, they say that it is a redressive action addressed to the addressees negative face: addressees want to have addressees freedom of action unhindered and addressees attention unimpeded. Furthermore According to BL (1978:134) Negative politeness is the heart of respective behaviour, just as positive politeness is the kernel of â€Å"familiar† and â€Å"joking† behaviour. Negative politeness corresponds to the rituals of avoidance. Where positive politeness is free-ranging, negative politeness is specific and focused; it performs the function of minimizing the particular imposition that the FTA unavoidable effects, BL also argue that negative politeness is the kind of politeness used between acquaintances whereas positive politeness is used between closer friends. Negative politeness is the most elaborate and the most conventionalized set of linguistic strategies for FTA redress; it fills the etiquette books although positive politeness gets some attention. Further according to BL (1987: 135) the linguistic realization of negative politeness conventional indirectness, hedges on illocutionary force, polite pessimism[8], the emphasis on hearers relative power are very familiar and need no introduction. In addition , BL say that the negative politeness outputs are all forms usefull in general for social â€Å"distancing†[9]: they are therefore likely to be used whenever a speaker or sender wants to put a social brake on the course of interaction. BL, see five main categories as the linguistic realization of negative politeness; communicating senders want not to impinge the receiver, not coercing receiver, not presuming/assuming, being (conventionally in) direct and redressing receivers wants. 2.1.1.4 Off Record Brown and Levinsons (1978:216) define off record strategy as a communicative act which is done in such a way that is not possible to attribute one clear communicative intention to the act. In this case the actor leaves her/himself an â€Å"out† by providing her/himself with a number of defensible interpretations, s/he cannot be held to have a committed himself to just one particular interpretation of her/his act. In other words, BL claim, the actor leaves it up to the addressee to decided how to interpret act. Further, BL continue that such off record utterances are essential indirect uses of language. One says something that is either more general (contains less information in the sense that it rules out fewer possible states of affairs) or actually different from what one means (intend to be understood). BL continue claim that in both cases the hearer must make some inference to recover what was in fact intended. For example, if somebody says: â€Å"it is hot in here†, the hidden meaning of the utterance can be request to open the window or to switch on the fan. BL, (1978: 230-232), list inviting conversational implicatures as one main strategy of off record-ness and its subcategories are; giving hints, giving association clues, presupposing, understating, overstating, using tautologies, using contradictions, being ironic, using metaphors, and using rhetorical question. The other main strategy of going off record is being vague or ambiguous and its subcategories are being ambiguous, being vague, over-generalising, displacing hearer and being incomplete. 2.1.2 Face Politeness theory states that some speech acts threaten others face needs. The concept of face has come to play an important role in politeness theory. Brown and Levinson, for example, have chosen it as the central notion for their study of universals in language usage and politeness phenomena (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson says that they have derived the notion of face from Ervin Goffman in social interaction. Our notion of face is derived from that of Goffman and from the English folk term, which ties up face notions of being embarrassed or humiliated, or losing face. Thus face is something that is emotionally invested, and that can be lost, maintained or enhanced, and must be constantly attended to in interaction. In general, people cooperate (and assume each others cooperation) in maintaining face in interaction, such cooperation being based on the mutual vulnerability of face (1987:63) In 1963, Erving Goffman published the article On Face Work where he first created the term â€Å"face.† He discusses face in reference to how people present themselves in social situations and that our entire reality is constructed through our social interactions. Face is a mask that changes depending on the audience and the social interaction (Goffman, 1967). Face is maintained by the audience, not by the speaker. We strive to maintain the face we have created in social situations. Face is broken down by Goffman into two different categories. Positive face is the desire of being seen as a good human being and negative face is the desire to remain autonomous. Moreover he argues that there is a limited amount of strategies to maintain face. Face in communicative events is a universal concept, but it is employed in culture specific ways. It is defined in psychological, philosophical and symbolic terms, â€Å"the term face may be defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume s/he has taken during a particular contact†. Face generally involves interlocutors mutual recognition as social members of a society. Face can be lost, maintained, or enhanced and must be constantly attended to in interaction. Brown and Levinson (1978; 1987), presented politeness as a formal theoretical construct based on earlier work on face by sociologist Goffman, (1963) as already mentioned above, BL said that we are all motivated by two desires: (positive face), and (negative face). The working definition and examples on both negative and positive face presented below. 2.1.2.1 Negative Face The negative face is the maintenance and defence of ones territory and freedom from imposition. The negative face is an inalienable. Negative face is the desire to be autonomous and not to infringe on the other person. Negative politeness is designed to protect the other person when negative face needs are threatened. Thus there are different strategies to handle face threatening acts and these strategies are put into a hierarchy of effectiveness. 2.1.2.2 Positive Face The positive face, on the other hand, is the claim for the recognition and appropriate validation of ones social self-image or personality. The positive face is the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at least some other members of the society. Also is the desire to be liked and appreciated. Positive politeness is designed to meet the face needs by performing an action like complimenting or showing concern for another person (Held 1989 and ODriscoll 1996) 2.1.2.3. FTA Holtgraves and Yang (1992) defines politeness as phrasing ones remarks so as to minimize face threat. Here, Face Threatening Act (FTA) is acts like promises, apologies, expressing thanks, ven non verbal acts such as stumbling, falling down or any utterance that intrinsically threatens anothers face (positive or negative) and includes disagreement, criticism, orders, delivery of bad news, and request. For examples; simple request threaten the targets negative face because the targets compliance with the request interferers with his/her desire to remain autonomous. Criticism threatens his/her desire for approval Furthermore, Brown and Levinson (1987) propose that when confronted with the need to perform a FTA, the individual must choose between performing the FTA in the most direct and efficient manner, or attempting to mitigate the effect of the FTA on the hearers positive/negative face. The mitigation strategies are what BL labelled as politeness strategies. 2.1.3 Politeness Systems Since Goffmans (1967) work, politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. The literature on the subject is mammoth-like, the research on politeness falls into three categories: (1) work that constructs theories of politeness, such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983), Fraser (1990), and Escandell-Vidal (1996); (2) work that investigates cultural- specific concepts and strategies of politeness, such as Hill et al. (1986), Gu (1992), Lindenfeld (1990), and Sherzer (1983); (3) work that applies existing theories to data from various cultures, such as Chen (1993, 1996), Garcia (1989), Rhodes (1989), and Holmes (1990). Although these researchers differ in important ways, they share a common focus on politeness system, that specific factors influence the adoption of strategies. Similar with Scollon and Scollon (1981) proposed the face relationships into three politeness systems namely; Difference, solidarity and hierarchical. An explanation on those politeness systems presented below. 2.1